Page 172 - Contributed Paper Session (CPS) - Volume 8
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CPS2227 Jonathan Haughton
                  Household consumption per adult equivalent is then compared to this poverty
                  line, where the adult equivalents are defined as follows:

                   <1    1-3    4-6   7-9   10-   13-    16-   20-   40-    50-   60-   70+
                                           12     15     19    39    49     59    69
                   0.41   0.56   0.76   0.91   M:   M:   M:    1.00   0.95   0.90   0.80   0.70
                                           0.97   0.97   1.02
                                           F:     F:     F:
                                           1.08   1.13   1.05
                      The main issue of controversy here is whether the food threshold of 2,500
                  kcals/day is appropriate. For instance, a recent World Bank mission to Rwanda
                  (May 4-12, 2016) recommended lowering the calorie threshold to 2,150 kcals
                  per day, presumably on the grounds that this is more in line with practice
                  elsewhere, particularly in the region.
                      The WHO (1985) finds that the daily energy requirement for a moderately
                  active man (1.6 times basal metabolic rate) weighing 65 kg is about 2,700 kcals
                  per adult, or possibly slightly less in the tropics. The FAO sets a lower limit for
                  those who are undernourished – about 2,270 kcals. Given the current age and
                  demographic structure, and the NISR weights shown above, this implies an
                  average consumption of about 2,066 kcals per capita,  in line with practice
                  elsewhere (e.g. 2,100 kcals in Vietnam).
                      Caloric thresholds, and adult equivalence scales, vary widely from country
                  to country, making comparisons across countries difficult.

                  6.  Conclusion
                      It is clear that the measurement of (monetary) policy is a technical intricate
                  process,  and  different  assumptions  can  lead  to  somewhat  different
                  conclusions about the pattern and changes of poverty rates.
                      Moreover,  there  are  other  very  different  ways  to  measure  poverty,
                  including versions of the increasingly popular multidimensional poverty index
                  (e.g. Wang et al. 2016; Rwanda 2018b), or indexes based on a stripped-down
                  set of indicators (e.g. Pogge and Wisor 2016). And surveys themselves are
                  rarely very accurate (see Beegle et al. 2016).
                      Given how hard it is to measure poverty, it should be no surprise that it
                  will be difficult to determine when we have indeed achieved a world without
                  poverty, but the wider use of best practices in measuring autoconsumption,
                  deflating,  applying  adult  equivalences,  and  setting  poverty  lines  would
                  certainly be welcome.






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