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IPS169 Gaby U.
            forms a precondition to influence actors in a process rather than stages in a
            cycle.
                Rendering the science-policy interface for the injection of data and evidence
            into politics even more complicated is the ‘paradox of scientific authority’ that
            accompanies  the  rise  of  populism  and  politicisation  of  evidence  that  led  to
            contestation and instability of expertise (Newman and Clarke 2018; Fleming and
            Rhodes  2018);  failure  of  evidence  to  influence  policy-making;  mis-  or
            disinformation,  post-truth  and  post-fact  phenomena.  Research  on  their
            foundations,  inter  alia  rooting  in  strategies  of  ‘deceptive  misinterpretations”
            (Frankfurt  2005),  as  well  as  on  emotions,  values  and  interests  in  politics
            experiences  a  boom  to  which  not  only  academics,  but  also  journalists
            increasingly contribute. As a result of this ‘emotional turn’, data providers are
            challenged  by  perception-based  and  emotional  politics  and  biases  that  are
            strongly influenced by scepticism and change averse attitudes; (dysfunctional)
            political communication in the age of social media and fake news as well as
            potential  strategies  to  neutralise  negative  impacts  of  false  information
            (d’Ancona 2017; Davis 2017; Gluckman and Wilsdon 2016; Levitin 2017; Rosling,
                                       3
            et al. 2018). Cognitive biases  and bounded rationality interfere with the power
            of  data  evidence  in  politics  and  influence  the  selection  of  (best  possible)
            evidence  for  the  political  process.  ‘Rational’  (goal-oriented  selection  of
            evidence)  as  well  as  ‘irrational’  (stricto  sensu  belief-  and/or  emotion-based
            prioritization  of  information)  behaviour  of  political  actors  are  hence
            fundamentally  influencing  the  kind  of  evidence  selected  for  policy-making
            (Cairney  2016).  Emotions  and  political  behaviour  can  hence  be  assessed  as
            gatekeepers  when  it  comes  to  the  selection  of  evidence  for  policy-making.
            Additionally,  ‘the  gap  between  the  needs  of  policy  makers  and  the  ways
            researchers  present  evidence’  (van  der  Heide,  et  al.  2016)  is  identified  as  a
            central barrier for the injection of evidence into policy-making that enhances
            ‘the non-systematic or almost accidental feature of the processes leading to its
            inclusion”  (Lin  2005).  In  this  context,  the  translation  and  ‘processing  of  this
            information  and  expert  knowledge  is  [viewed  as]  problematic  and  highly
            variable across organizations’ (Head 2015) and communities.
                Moreover, questions of truth and mis-/disinformation in politics; the role
            and  relevance  of  asymmetries  of  knowledge;  forms  of  knowledge  and
            knowledge  transfer;  measurement  of  evidence  use  in  politics  and  the
            difference  between  EBPM  and  ‘ideological  or  faith-based  policy-making’
            (Head 2010) become increasingly relevant also for statistical bodies. As both
            policy problems (e.g. climate change, fracking, cyber security) and required
            solutions are complex and multidimensional, the data evidence informing the

            3  Such as framing effects, representativeness heuristic, availability heuristic/processing fluency,
            prospect  theory,  cognitive  dissonance,  need  for  coherence,  status  quo  biases/sunk  costs
            fallacy/optimism biases, or groupthink.
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