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IPS169 Markku L.
                  Goel et al. (2005, 203) mentions three harmful consequences from “overtrust”:
                  leniency in judging the trustee, delay in perceiving exploitation, and increased
                  risk-taking.  This  type  of  overtrust  or  “unwarranted  trust”  (Warren  1999)
                  typically corresponds to a situation in which the trustee is judged positively,
                  but on the basis of poor or inexistent knowledge (e.g. Balme 2003). This can
                  take the form of a blind “trust in numbers”, yet the question is more complex
                  than merely one of lacking knowledge. Especially composite indicators tend
                  to hide essential choices and value judgements behind ostensibly objective
                  and value-free data, thus concealing the complex calculations employed to
                  arrive at the final numbers. In the words of Barré (2019, 3), STI indicators have,
                  in some cases turned from tools informing and enlightening decision-making
                  to  ”ignorance  producing  devices”  that  –  by  virtue  of  the  lock-ins  and
                  irreversibilities  produced  by  their  institutionalisation  and  ‘taken-for-
                  grantedness’ – do not express what they pretend to, and may even resist new
                  knowledge gained over the years on the topic in question.
                      Also social trust can be detrimental to the common good. ‘Bonding social
                  capital’ – which characterises particularised social trust – can feed exclusion,
                  homogeneous social networks, specific norms of reciprocity (Santaoja et al.
                  2016;  Putnam,  2000,  19-21),  groupthink,  the  exclusion  of  different  yet
                  competent others (Kujala et al. 2016, 702), and creation of sharp boundaries
                  between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ (van Deth & Zmerli, 2010). The tight social
                  ties within the “indicator industry” (Hezri & Hasan 2004) – or the often highly
                  homogeneous community of indicator users and producers (e.g. Sébastien &
                  Bauler 2013) – constitute an example. The greater the internal cohesion within
                  an  indicator  community,  the  less  likely  it  is  to  explore  perspectives  from
                  outside the community, and foster the emergence of a more reflexive indicator
                  culture (cf. Bhuta et al. 2018) in the spirit of opening up (Stirling 2008; Ràfols
                  et  al.  2012).  Excessive  trust  can  undermine  the  attempts  towards  inclusive
                  deliberation (e.g. Jasanoff & Stimmer 2017) also because trustful citizens may
                  lack  the motivation to participate, preferring instead to delegate power to
                  trusted experts and institutions (Parkins & Mitchell 2005, 536).

                  4.  Sources of trust and mistrust
                      Perceptions of competence and sincerity are often described as they key
                  characteristics  that  shape  social  and  institutional  trust.  The  competence  of
                  statistical authorities is seldom at stake, and hardly a reason for current-day
                  concerns  about  post-truth  and  loss  of  trust  in  expertise  and  authority.  By
                  contrast, the loss of the naïve belief in sincerity is what underpins a lot of these
                  concerns. Again, what has come under attack is less the sincerity of individual
                  statisticians and indicator creators than the purposes for which indicators are
                  being produced (e.g. increasing control as part of New Public Management,
                  private-sector  profit-seeking),  and  the  worldviews  and  democratic  choices

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